Tracking Trump’s Accomplices

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Tracking Trump’s Accomplices

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Our report on the legal architects of the Trump Administration—and where they are now.

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The legal profession needs a reckoning.

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We already know the damage done by Donald Trump’s presidency. Trump and his administration spent the last four years attacking voting rights and our democracy, lying to the public about everything from hurricanes to health care, letting Black and Brown workers suffer and die on the frontlines of a pandemic they let spread like wildfire, and tearing apart immigrant families in service of white supremacy.  He attempted to end the DACA program, used tear gas on Black Lives Matter protesters, tried to give hospitals a right to refuse to treat trans patients, turned away asylum seekers, and did everything he could to entrench white political power and advance his personal interests and those of his corporate cronies. And all of that was before he tried to steal an election and incited an attempted coup driven by white grievance.

But Donald Trump didn’t do any of this alone. His team of elite lawyers helped him plan and execute these shameful actions every step of the way. These attorneys drafted the Muslim Ban, wrote the blueprint for family separation to deter people from seeking asylum, stood by while hundreds of thousands died amidst their lies about COVID-19, covered up their own abuse and corruption—and then stood up in court to defend those choices. One Trump Administration attorney even defended keeping migrant children in cages without beds, toothbrushes, or soap.

After abetting the Administration’s worst acts, these lawyers are already cashing in on their cruelty and laundering their reputations in private practice. Corporate legal employers have recruited these attorneys with no care for what atrocities they may have been responsible for, as long as they bring their allegedly prestigious resume lines from the Department of Justice or Office of Legal Counsel to the firm. The legal profession’s obsession with prestige and power—no matter what lawyers choose to do with it—means that law firms welcome Trump’s accomplices with open arms and zero consequences, as long as they can boost the corporate bottom line.

The legal profession must be called out for failing to stop these lawyers’ unethical and often illegal actions—and even worse, rewarding these same people personally and professionally. For a so-called self-regulating profession, this is a shameful abdication of responsibility for its own principles of fairness, justice, and the rule of law.

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Executive Summary

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The Trump Administration was widely condemned for its attacks on free, fair elections, codification of white supremacy, lies to the public, and gross mishandling of the COVID-19 pandemic. But, just months after President Trump left office, the legal architects of his worst abuses have been welcomed back into the profession. Rather than being held accountable, many Trump Administration attorneys have landed powerful and lucrative jobs in BigLaw—where they can rebrand as elite attorneys, instead of Trump enablers. Of the 23 attorneys profiled in this report:

  • More than half were welcomed into private practice, including at BigLaw firms like Jones Day, Gibson Dunn, King & Spalding, and Sullivan & Cromwell.
  • Three still work for the Department of Justice.
  • One is a state government official.
  • One works at a think tank.
  • Five are currently not working.

While these attorneys rake in millions as BigLaw partners serving mega-corporate clients, the systems they set up and the harms they perpetrated will be with us for decades. The ideas cooked up by Trump, Jared Kushner, Stephen Miller, and company could never have been implemented—or survived judicial review—without these lawyers. Their (often spurious) legal theories gave cover to Trump and his allies. Many were willing to lie for Trump, including telling the Supreme Court that the citizenship question was added to the Census to enforce the Voting Rights Act, and that the travel ban was not motivated by anti-Muslim bias. For putting a veneer of legitimacy on Trump’s policies, these attorneys should be pariahs in the legal field—not superstars.

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Why These Lawyers?

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The 22 Trump Administration attorneys profiled here were selected based on the following criteria:.

  1. Positions of leadership in crafting and facilitating Trump Administration priorities.
  2. Involvement in the Trump Administration’s work to advance white supremacy, including by detaining, deporting, and separating asylum-seekers and other immigrants.
  3. Involvement in the Trump Administration’s attacks on democracy and civil rights.
  4. Lies to cover up the Trump Administration’s racism, corruption, and cruelty
  5. Purposeful mishandling of the COVID-19 crisis.

This list is far from a complete accounting of the attorneys who enabled the Trump Administration’s cruelty. Rather, this report is proof positive that we need that complete accounting—before elite legal institutions develop conveniently short memories and return Trump Administration attorneys to positions of power.

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Where They Are Now

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Ben Aguiñaga

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Ben Aguiñaga worked for the Department of Justice’s Civil Rights Division under Trump. He previously worked for Ted Cruz and clerked for Justice Samuel Alito. While at DOJ, Aguiñaga  worked to preserve the Trump Administration’s ability to require the Census Bureau to turn over people’s answers to the controversial 2020 Census citizenship question with law enforcement, like ICE. With Aguiñaga’s help, DOJ considered overriding the Census’ confidentiality protections to, at best, systematically deter immigrants from answering the Census, and, at worst, fuel deportations around the country. He is now an attorney at Jones Day.

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Bill Barr served as Trump’s Attorney General from February 2019 to December 2020. In that relatively short period, he did a remarkable amount of damage to democracy and government accountability. Barr became Attorney General after sending an unsolicited memo to the Administration arguing that he wouldn’t be required to recuse himself from the Mueller investigation. After he was confirmed, Barr undermined the Mueller Report by sending a misleading (at best) and incomplete statement on the Report to Congress. Barr was held in criminal contempt of Congress for refusing to answer questions about the process by which the citizenship question was added to the 2020 Census after public reporting revealed that the Administration lied about it under oath. He also repeatedly advanced Trump’s baseless claims about voter fraud in an attempt to block voting rights legislation and vote-by-mail during the COVID-19 pandemic .

 

Barr also used the Department of Justice to advance Trump’s personal interests. He directed the DOJ to intervene on Trump’s behalf in a personal lawsuit brought by E. Jean Carroll, who alleged that Trump raped and later defamed her. Barr tried to shield Trump associates from criminal prosecution by firing Geoffrey Berman, a U.S. Attorney whose office prosecuted several Trump allies, and by directing the DOJ to intervene in the criminal prosecutions of Roger Stone and Michael Flynn. He also orchestrated a violent attack on peaceful #BlackLivesMatter protesters during the 2020 summer uprising, using tear gas to clear protestors from Lafayette Square so that Trump could take a photoshoot holding a Bible (upside down).

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Conclusion

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Donald Trump could not have done it alone. Trump’s attorneys carried out his most egregious policies, by turns cruel, racist, nepotistic, and anti-democratic. These lawyers must be held accountable for the harms they designed and defended—the fruits of their labor. In the absence of professional ethics reform or stronger action by state bar associations, the legal community must use social and institutional pressure. In a profession built on prestige and reputation, there must be reputational consequences for the suffering and injustice that these lawyers facilitated.

 

Many of the positions taken by Administration lawyers were legally dubious. But whether their positions turned out to be lawful is, ultimately, beside the point. Our nation’s history is rife with moral travesties allowed by law. That’s why our profession will need to look beyond the letter of the law to express what is right and wrong in a functioning democracy. Lawyers have enormous power—and we should hold one another accountable for how we use it.

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Ready to unf*ck the legal profession?

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